In this book, the authors propose an important variant of regulation-social regulatory policy-and explain how the six moral controversies about the policy (school prayer, pornography, crime, gun control, affirmative action, and abortion) are handled by the American political system.

In this book, the authors propose an important variant of regulation-social regulatory policy-and explain how the six moral controversies about the policy (school prayer, pornography, crime, gun control, affirmative action, and abortion) are handled by the American political system.

This history of presidential studies surveys the views of leading thinkers and scholars about the constitutional powers of the highest office in the land from the founding to the present.

This history of presidential studies surveys the views of leading thinkers and scholars about the constitutional powers of the highest office in the land from the founding to the present.

No area of public policymaking is more hotly debated than the use of government authority to enforce certain standards of behavior in areas of moral controversy. Now thoroughly revised and updated, this collection examines a variety of such policy areas - ranging from abortion and affirmative action to gay rights - including two new chapters on animal rights and hate crimes. In discussing each policy area the book examines relevant issues and arguments, as well as policy shifts over time. It considers the roles of key political and institutional actors in policymaking - including lobbies and interest groups, the bureaucracy, the president, Congress, the judiciary, and state and local authorities. Written in an accessible style that is sure to spark classroom discussion, each chapter of this new edition includes a list of relevant books, web sites, and videos for further research.

A cross-cultural analysis of the abortion issue in the United States and Canada. The book focuses on: the judicial, legislative and executive branches; public opinion and interest groups; federal agencies; and the roles of subnational authorities and the health care sectors.

A cross-cultural analysis of the abortion issue in the United States and Canada. The book focuses on: the judicial, legislative and executive branches; public opinion and interest groups; federal agencies; and the roles of subnational authorities and the health care sectors.

No area of public policymaking is more hotly debated than the use of government authority to enforce certain standards of behavior in areas of moral controversy. Now thoroughly revised and updated, this collection examines a variety of such policy areas - ranging from abortion and affirmative action to gay rights - including two new chapters on animal rights and hate crimes. In discussing each policy area the book examines relevant issues and arguments, as well as policy shifts over time. It considers the roles of key political and institutional actors in policymaking - including lobbies and interest groups, the bureaucracy, the president, Congress, the judiciary, and state and local authorities. Written in an accessible style that is sure to spark classroom discussion, each chapter of this new edition includes a list of relevant books, web sites, and videos for further research.

The health of the American economy is a topic of discussion among undergraduate students in public policy and the American presidency. Policymakers and citizens also are concerned with economic prosperity and the problems associated with unemployment, taxation, health care, trade, and inflation as well as other economic issues. While the study of the economy may be a primary concern for scholars, most people care more about how economic performance and presidential economic policymaking impacts their daily lives. Therefore, the purpose of this book is to provide undergraduates and laypersons with a blueprint of the performance of the economy and the ability of the president to manage economic policy. Little has been published on the specific nexus between the presidency and economic policy. The goal of this updated and streamlined text is to provide students with an examination of the historical and substantive policy issues that shape the relationship between the American presidency and the economy.

In The Presidency Then and Now, leading political scientists and historians assess the development of the presidency and its role in today's political landscape. The questions addressed in this wide-ranging volume include: How has the doctrine of separation of powers evolved? How have presidential campaigns and presidential oratory influenced the constitutional character of the institution? How does the scandal-driven press coverage of the post-Vietnam and post-Watergate presidency compare with the partisan press of the early republic? Among other topics, the contributors examine the early precedents and modern manifestations of the executive veto, executive privilege, and presidential use of force doctrine, and chart the shift from a constitutionally circumspect and constrained chief executive toward the modern notion of a plebiscitary presidency. The Presidency Then and Now assesses several key trends in presidential leadership including the recent movement toward a policy-centered presidency in which detailed policy development has at times supplanted broad vision and historically informed judgment. Other essays address such topics as the transformation of the Cabinet from a body whose members possessed stature equal to the president to a largely symbolic group that has been replaced in its advisory capacity by the White House staff. The Presidency Then and Now makes a case for returning to constitutional, reasoned deliberation and replacing modern fixation on 'celebrity' status with the founders' notion of 'stature.' By drawing comparisons between the old and the new, The Presidency Then and Now offers timely and incisive insights that will appeal not only to scholars of the presidency but to historians and general readers interested in the constitutional foundations, philosophical debates, and key political developments that have affected the presidential office over time.

In July 1992 Senator Robert C. Byrd (D-WV) angrily suggested during floor debate... that the United States should not continue accepting immigrants mho speak no English. "I pick up the telephone and call the local garage," Byrd said. "I can't understand the person on the other side of the line. I'm not sure he can understand me. They're all over the place, and they don't speak English. We want more of this?" Later he apologized for the remark, saying, "I regret that in the heat of the moment I spoke unwisely." Is America in the midst of another backlash against foreigners? In the wide-ranging controversy over multiculturalism that has generated much heat in recent years, one of the most volatile issues is whether the United States should reflect a dominant English-speaking majority or encourage a multilingual culture. Tied up with this emotional issue is a growing anxiety on the part of many Americans about the new wave of non-European immigrants. "It is not without significance," says S.I. Hayakawa, who was a founder of U.S. English, "that pressure against English language legislation does not come from any immigrant group other than the Hispanic: not from the Chinese or Koreans or Filipinos or Vietnamese; nor from immigrant Iranians, Turks, Greeks, East Indians, Ghanians, Ethiopians, Italians, or Swedes." Raymond Tatalovich has conducted the first detailed, systematic, and empirical study of the official English movement in the United States, seeking answers to two crucial questions: What motivations underlie the agitation for official English? Does the movement originate at the grassroots level or is it driven by elites? Since 1980, fifteen states have passed laws establishing English as the official language -- Alabama, Arkansas, Arizona, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Mississippi, North Carolina, North Dakota, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia. Three more laws, in Hawaii, Illinois, and Nebraska, predate the current agitation. The official language laws in ten of the states are wholly symbolic, but in the remaining eight they go beyond symbolism to stipulate some kind of enforcement. Four states have passed English Plus laws -- New Mexico, Oregon, Rhode Island, and Washington. In addition some major cities -- Atlanta, Cleveland, Dallas, San Antonio, Tucson, and Washington,D.C. -- have also adopted English Plus laws or resolutions. Tatalovich hypothesized five possible motivations for the official English movement: race (hostility of the majority toward a minority), ethnicity (conflict between minori-ties), class (reaction by lower socioeconomic groups), politics (partisan or ideological backlash), and culture (anti-foreign sentiment). His analysis is based on an eclectic range of sources, from historical documents, legal records, and court decisions to news accounts and interviews. In many southern states where the issue has recently assumed prominence, he found that support for the initiative is identified as a residue of nativism. Tatalovich empirically shows linkage between support today for official English and opposition in the South to immigration in the 1920s. This study not only is definitive but also is a dispassionate analysis of an issue that seems destined to become even more controversial in the next few years. It makes a notable contribution to the current debate over multiculturalism and will be of special interest to sociologists, historians of contemporary social history, linguists, legal scholars, and political scientists who study public policy, minority politics, and comparative state politics.

This is the first book to survey the intellectual history of presidential scholarship from the Founding to the late 20th century. Reviewing the work of over sixty thinkers, including Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, Woodrow Wilson, Richard Neustadt, James McGregor Burns, and Theodore Lowi, the authors identify six central questions, the answers to which can help form a theory of presidential power:

Does presidential power derive from the prerogatives of office or from incumbency? Does presidential influence depend upon force of personality, rhetorical leadership, or partisanship? Does presidential leadership depend upon historical context or is regime-building manifested through political, institutional, and constitutional developments? Does presidential leadership vary between domestic and foreign affairs? Does the president actively or passively engage the legislative process and promote a policy agenda? Does the organization of the executive branch service presidential leadership?

Arguing that three paradigms have dominated the history of presidential scholarship -- Hamiltonianism, Jeffersonianism, and Progressivism -- the authors conclude that today's understanding of the presidency is characterized by a "new realism and old idealism." This book will appeal to students and scholars as well as to general readers with an interest in the American presidency.